Shadows of Kissinger and Brzezinski Loom Over
Cambodia
by Mike Billington January 19, 2006
Cambodian police executed an arrest warrant on Kem Sokha,
the president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights,
on Dec. 31, for defamation of Prime Minister Hun Sen,
regarding accusations that the Prime Minister had sold
out national interests in a border deal with Vietnam. As
he was led away to police headquarters, Kem Sokha was
surrounded by a group of his supporters, including U.S.
Ambassador to Cambodia Joseph Mussomeli and British
Ambassador David Reader. The American diplomat was less
than diplomatic in his protest over the arrest,
suggesting that the regime of Hun Sen is moving
``inexorably toward a one-party state,'' and that it
``becomes difficult to take these trappings of democracy
as the real thing.''
Such hypocritical protests from the United States are
not surprising, since Kem Sokha and his organization
have been created, nurtured, financed, and promoted
entirely by the official U.S. agency for subversion and
regime change, the National Endowment for Democracy
(NED), and in particular by the NED's Republican arm,
the International Republican Institute (IRI). Nor is
Ambassador Mussomeli a stranger to subversion. During
his previous posting as the Charge d'Affaires in the
Philippines (he was appointed as U.S. Ambassador to
Cambodia in September 2005), secret embassy documents
were stolen by a Philippine-American Marine in the
United States, and released to the press, showing
Mussomeli plotting with Filipino generals and
politicians regarding what form of regime change would
meet with the Bush Administration's support, and what
would not.
The IRI has spent the better part of the past decade
trying to remove the current Cambodian government. Prime
Minister Hun Sen and his Cambodian People's Party (CPP)
have governed Cambodia directly or in coalition since
1979, after a large force of Cambodians, including Hun
Sen, joined with the Vietnamese army to overthrow the
genocidal regime of the Khmer Rouge, which, between 1975
and 1979, had killed nearly one-third of the Cambodian
population, laid waste to the country's urban and
agricultural infrastructure, and left deep psychological
scars on the survivors. Rather than welcoming the demise
of the Khmer Rouge, the United States, under the
leadership of National Security Advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski (the controller of President Jimmy Carter)
denounced Vietnam as an aggressor for interfering in
Cambodia. Washington proceeded to provide covert
military support to the Khmer Rouge (which continued
fighting a guerrilla war from the jungles for the next
20 years) and forced the United Nations to recognize the
deposed Khmer Rouge as the official government of
Cambodia, even as the truth of the genocide under their
rule was being published worldwide.
Not until 1992, when a UN-brokered peace agreement
allowed for free elections under UN oversight and
security, was the overwhelming popular support for Hun
Sen and his CPP recognized in Washington. However, the
U.S. government-financed IRI and related organizations
continued the process of subversion, spending millions
of dollars, both openly and covertly, to undermine the
elected government. In particular, they promoted and
helped finance Sam Rainsy, a Cambodian who spent 21
years in Paris (1971-92), working as a banker in French
and American banks, as an opposition figure. The IRI did
not hide its singular support for Rainsy and his party,
even hosting him at gala dinners in Washington, and
never flinched when he formed an alliance against the
Cambodian government with the remnants of the Khmer
Rouge, making appeals for racial hatred against the
Vietnamese.
Last year, Rainsy accused Hun Sen of personal
responsibility for a hand-grenade attack on a Sam Rainsy
Party rally in 1997 (which killed several people and
injured the IRI director in Cambodia), and accused the
government's coalition partner, Royalist Prince Norodom
Ranariddh, of taking a bribe to form a coalition with
Hun Sen's government. The government then stripped
Rainsy of his parliamentary immunity and filed charges
of defamation. Sam Rainsy fled to the safety of his
second home in Paris (he is also a French citizen),
where he
remains today.
As early as 2002, the IRI recognized that Rainsy had no
chance of gaining significant support within Cambodia.
They therefore launched a ``Plan B,'' creating the
Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), with former
royalist senator Kem Sokha chosen as its leader. The IRI
gave the CCHR half a million dollars of U.S. taxpayers'
money for start-up funds (and millions more since), with
a full-time IRI ``advisor.''
Cambodia was hardly lacking in human rights
organizations, including several which were openly
critical of the government, but none that would so
baldly declare themselves to be a front for the
subversive IRI (the website for the CCHR displays a
large banner on its home page, reading ``Supported by
U.S. AID from the American People,'' with the IRI logo
next to it). Other human rights organizations, no matter
how critical of the government, acknowledge the slow but
significant progress being made in this terribly poor
nation, which has held
several successful elections, maintained 7% economic
growth (4-1/2% in per-capita terms), and made dramatic
improvements in health, education, and the general
welfare, albeit from extremely low starting levels. The
IRI and its wholly owned Cambodian subsidiaries simply
lie
that the government's policies are failing.
- Kissinger and Brzezinski in the Dock -
The intention underlying the actions of the IRI and its
friends in the Congress, led by Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.),
includes a degree of self-protection. With more than 25
years having passed since the overthrow of the Khmer
Rouge, a trial of the few remaining Khmer Rouge leaders
is now in the final stages of preparation, under UN
sponsorship. (It is worth noting that Cambodia's
government already held trials of the Khmer Rouge
leaders,
{in abstentia,} in 1979, but at the time the United
States, under Brzezinski, was supporting the Khmer
Rouge, and rejected the results of the Cambodian trial.)
The IRI circles have done everything in their power to
demand that any such trial be under international
control, screaming about corruption and a lack of
independence in the Cambodian judiciary. Senator
McConnell succeeded in passing a bill in the Congress
preventing any U.S. financial or other support for the
upcoming trial. Since the crimes of the Khmer Rouge were
committed by
Cambodians, against Cambodians, and within Cambodia, why
are these circles so intent on asserting foreign control
of the trial?
The answer lies in the criminal responsibility of
those, including especially Kissinger and Brzezinski,
who could potentially be called to account in any trial
which sought the full truth of the Khmer Rouge
nightmare. As in the upcoming trial of Chile's fascist
dictator, Gen.
Augusto Pinochet, whose regime was brought to power by
Kissinger and his ilk, and whose murderous Operation
Condor was conducted by former Nazi networks controlled
by
them, exposure of the full truth would point directly at
the circles around Vice President Dick Cheney, who are
now trying to impose a similar fascist regime in the
United States.
Take Kissinger: In the same timeframe as the Pinochet
coup in Chile, then Secretary of State and National
Security Advisor Kissinger orchestrated the most
intensive carpet bombing in world history, against the
rural villages of Cambodia. During 1970-75, millions of
peasants were forced by the bombing to abandon their
homes and crowd into Phnom Penh, or to join the
resistance movement, which then consisted of a coalition
between the Khmer
Rouge and the royalists led by King Norodom Sihanouk
(Sihanouk was later pushed aside by the Khmer Rouge).
While the bombing is estimated to have killed between
500,000 and 1 million Cambodians, Kissinger's greater
crime is the virtual creation of the Khmer Rouge as a
formidable force, through his ``beast man'' destruction
of the Cambodian countryside.
Then there's Brzezinski: As a leading architect of the
``China Card,'' playing China against Russia, Brzezinski
viewed Cambodia as a convenient tool in both fanning the
flames of the Sino-Soviet split, by playing
Soviet-backed Vietnam against the China-backed Khmer
Rouge, and at the same time keeping Southeast Asia
divided, to prevent any independent Asian cooperation to
repair the ravages of the French and American Indochina
wars. Even after the genocide of the Khmer Rouge was
known to the world, and even after China dropped its
support for the Khmer Rouge (a remnant of China's
wretched Cultural Revolution), Brzezinski insisted on
U.S. (and UN) recognition and support for the Khmer
Rouge against the party of Hun Sen, declared to be a
``puppet'' of Soviet-backed Vietnam. Thus, the
devastated victim of war and genocide was isolated and
subjected to 20 more years of Western-backed terrorism
from the remaining Khmer Rouge forces.
- Permanent War -
To U.S. Ambassador Mussomeli's credit, he has toned
down his initial denunciations of the arrest of Kem
Sokha, and even denounced Sam Rainsy's accusation that
the country was going ``fascist,'' as ``off the mark''
and ``very irresponsible.'' Also, U.S. Assistant
Secretary of
State Christopher Hill visited Phnom Penh on Jan. 17, to
inaugurate a new U.S. Embassy. After a cordial meeting
between Hill and the Prime Minister, Hun Sen announced
that he was writing to the court to request that Kem
Sokha and three others detained on defamation charges be
released on bail, as a courtesy to Assistant Secretary
Hill. The four men must still face their charges in
court.
The greatest danger facing Cambodia, and Asia
generally, is the Cheney doctrine of permanent and
pre-emptive warfare. Already IRI, Human Rights Watch,
and others are referring to Cambodia as becoming ``like
Myanmar,'' which, together with North Korea, has been
demonized as a rogue state, deserving of military
attack, in Cheney's neo-conservative, imperial
perspective. As China increasingly becomes a target of
the permanent warfare practitioners in Washington and
London, Cambodia is another convenient ``hot spot'' for
military adventures.